How to Get More Women to Enter Belarusian Politics

Lesia Rudnik

January 2023

The recent scandal surrounding the appointment and subsequent departure of Tatsiana Zaretskaya from the United Transitional Cabinet can teach an important, yet simple, lesson to the pro-democracy forces. Under-representation of women in politics can’t be solved superficially. At the same time, the female capital that came to the fore in 2020 is impossible to ignore. How can we leverage the potential of female leaders and increase the participation of women in politics without making public mistakes? Alesia Rudnik discusses.

how to get more women to enter Belarusian politics

Lesia Rudnik

Lesia Rudnik is the Director at the Center for New Ideas. She is currently working on her doctoral dissertation at Karlstad University. She was born and raised in Hrodna and now lives in Sweden.

Zaretskaya’s appointment was a bold response to demand in society for more women in oppositional political structures. But her rapid rise led some to accuse the democratic forces of incompetence and carelessness when verifying candidates. There were also accusations that Zaretskaya was only appointed to fulfill a gender quota.

One danger of quotas is that they can negatively impact public perception of more women entering politics. For this reason, underrepresentation of women in Belarusian politics needs to be addressed while it isn’t too late to learn some lessons from the Zaretskaya case.

Perhaps surprisingly, the gender question was never thoroughly addressed by the old guard of the opposition, and there is no public discourse on this issue within the new oppositional structures either. Not enough Belarusian women occupy high-powered position, and they cannot afford to make bold political statements—they are forced to be more careful. After all, the cost of making a mistake in Belarusian politics is higher for women than it is for men.

As of early 2023, there were 15 female heads of state, and a total of 77 women have been in charge of running 59 countries in the last century. Meanwhile, Belarus took 33rd place in the Gender Gap Index in 2021, thanks largely to its parliament, 40% of whose members are women. This proportion is similar to France or Austria. But gender equality in parliament is no panacea: the UAE’s parliament has the highest percentage of women in the world (50%), but it’s hard to call that country democratic. After all, women there only got the right to drive less than five years ago.

Under-representation of women in politics cannot be solved merely by increasing their numbers in parliament. More meaningful change would entail giving women real access to power, including high-level positions. There is currently only one female minister in Belarus: Irina Kostevich, and it is 2.5 times more difficult for women to obtain a leadership position than men.

The assumption that gender issues will resolve themselves following democratization may be unfounded. Conversely, other countries’ experience shows that paying attention to various aspects of gender policy during a political transformation leads to more transparent and effective governance. To build a healthy and sustainable political system in the Belarus of tomorrow, the democratic forces should implement three key policies:

introduce a temporary quota system in politics;
educate the political elite and civil society;
create a candidate pool of female politicians.

The assumption that gender issues will resolve themselves following democratization may be unfounded. Conversely, other countries’ experience shows that paying attention to various aspects of gender policy during a political transformation leads to more transparent and effective governance. To build a healthy and sustainable political system in the Belarus of tomorrow, the democratic forces should implement three key policies:

introduce a temporary quota system in politics;
educate the political elite and civil society;
create a candidate pool of female politicians.

The assumption that gender issues will resolve themselves following democratization may be unfounded. Conversely, other countries’ experience shows that paying attention to various aspects of gender policy during a political transformation leads to more transparent and effective governance. To build a healthy and sustainable political system in the Belarus of tomorrow, the democratic forces should implement three key policies:

introduce a temporary quota system in politics;
educate the political elite and civil society;
create a candidate pool of female politicians.

Introducing a temporary quota system

One way of addressing the low number of women in politics is to introduce a gender quota. Despite criticism, half of all countries have been using quotas at the parliamentary level since the early 2000s.

Such a quota system does not need to be enshrined in electoral law—it could be disseminated at the political party-level as a best practice. By themselves, quotas do not solve the “glass ceiling” problem, which is why it’s important for there to be a mechanism in place at each level of politics.

Research shows that quota systems in countries where women’s participation in politics is relatively low can initially lead to nepotism and corruption, as well as the promotion of women with insufficient experience or inadequate education. But this is not merely a gender issue: men also end up in politics through personal connections. It is a bigger-picture political problem present throughout the world—not just in the post-Soviet space.

The introduction of a quota involves a justifiable risk to attain a very important result: more women in politics. The number of people who rise to power through personal connections will not significantly increase because of this. Furthermore, a positive effect of quotas is often more transparent political decision-making.

Quotas do more than increase the number of women in elected bodies: they also raise agenda points that are important for women to the level of national politics, as female politicians feel obliged to represent the interests of their gender group. This encourages more women to vote. Research also shows that quota policies can help rid societies of gender-based stereotypes.

Quotas are not a solution to all problems connected with women’s under-representation in politics, but they could become a temporary standard that stimulate transparency in decision-making and encourage women to apply their competencies to the political sphere.

Introducing a temporary quota system

One way of addressing the low number of women in politics is to introduce a gender quota. Despite criticism, half of all countries have been using quotas at the parliamentary level since the early 2000s.

Such a quota system does not need to be enshrined in electoral law—it could be disseminated at the political party-level as a best practice. By themselves, quotas do not solve the “glass ceiling” problem, which is why it’s important for there to be a mechanism in place at each level of politics.

Research shows that quota systems in countries where women’s participation in politics is relatively low can initially lead to nepotism and corruption, as well as the promotion of women with insufficient experience or inadequate education. But this is not merely a gender issue: men also end up in politics through personal connections. It is a bigger-picture political problem present throughout the world—not just in the post-Soviet space.

The introduction of a quota involves a justifiable risk to attain a very important result: more women in politics. The number of people who rise to power through personal connections will not significantly increase because of this. Furthermore, a positive effect of quotas is often more transparent political decision-making.

Quotas do more than increase the number of women in elected bodies: they also raise agenda points that are important for women to the level of national politics, as female politicians feel obliged to represent the interests of their gender group. This encourages more women to vote. Research also shows that quota policies can help rid societies of gender-based stereotypes.

Quotas are not a solution to all problems connected with women’s under-representation in politics, but they could become a temporary standard that stimulate transparency in decision-making and encourage women to apply their competencies to the political sphere.

Introducing a temporary quota system

One way of addressing the low number of women in politics is to introduce a gender quota. Despite criticism, half of all countries have been using quotas at the parliamentary level since the early 2000s.

Such a quota system does not need to be enshrined in electoral law—it could be disseminated at the political party-level as a best practice. By themselves, quotas do not solve the “glass ceiling” problem, which is why it’s important for there to be a mechanism in place at each level of politics.

Research shows that quota systems in countries where women’s participation in politics is relatively low can initially lead to nepotism and corruption, as well as the promotion of women with insufficient experience or inadequate education. But this is not merely a gender issue: men also end up in politics through personal connections. It is a bigger-picture political problem present throughout the world—not just in the post-Soviet space.

The introduction of a quota involves a justifiable risk to attain a very important result: more women in politics. The number of people who rise to power through personal connections will not significantly increase because of this. Furthermore, a positive effect of quotas is often more transparent political decision-making.

Quotas do more than increase the number of women in elected bodies: they also raise agenda points that are important for women to the level of national politics, as female politicians feel obliged to represent the interests of their gender group. This encourages more women to vote. Research also shows that quota policies can help rid societies of gender-based stereotypes.

Quotas are not a solution to all problems connected with women’s under-representation in politics, but they could become a temporary standard that stimulate transparency in decision-making and encourage women to apply their competencies to the political sphere.

Changing public opinion

To normalize women’s participation in political processes (and to learn from unsuccessful experiences), the public needs to be better informed. Awareness is already being raised by YouTube bloggers and initiatives to support female political prisoners, writers, and activists. However, to truly change public opinion we need the media, the expert community, and politicians—not just special-interest or women-oriented projects.

Expanding the presence of women will require the political arena (which is dominated by men) to be open to such changes; so far, however, male Belarusian politicians are often dismissive of women.

In other words, to ensure that more women join the ranks of the democratic forces, the political landscape (including male politicians), must also be open to change.

Changing public opinion

To normalize women’s participation in political processes (and to learn from unsuccessful experiences), the public needs to be better informed. Awareness is already being raised by YouTube bloggers and initiatives to support female political prisoners, writers, and activists. However, to truly change public opinion we need the media, the expert community, and politicians—not just special-interest or women-oriented projects.

Expanding the presence of women will require the political arena (which is dominated by men) to be open to such changes; so far, however, male Belarusian politicians are often dismissive of women.

In other words, to ensure that more women join the ranks of the democratic forces, the political landscape (including male politicians), must also be open to change.

Changing public opinion

To normalize women’s participation in political processes (and to learn from unsuccessful experiences), the public needs to be better informed. Awareness is already being raised by YouTube bloggers and initiatives to support female political prisoners, writers, and activists. However, to truly change public opinion we need the media, the expert community, and politicians—not just special-interest or women-oriented projects.

Expanding the presence of women will require the political arena (which is dominated by men) to be open to such changes; so far, however, male Belarusian politicians are often dismissive of women.

In other words, to ensure that more women join the ranks of the democratic forces, the political landscape (including male politicians), must also be open to change.

Creating a larger candidate pool of female politicians

Encouraging women to study political science, diplomacy, and public administration will go a long way to increase the number of women capable of becoming political candidates. Until our universities explicitly focus on educating a new generation of female politicians, this responsibility lies with democratic stakeholders.

To prepare, political hopefuls can take advantage of educational programs at the European Humanities University, as well as courses or short programs at other EU universities. Informal education, such as academies that train diplomats and civil servants, could also encourage professional women with unrelated academic backgrounds.

There are many Belarusian experts, think tanks, and instructors at European universities who could become mentors for a new generation of politicians (both men and women). Programs oriented towards gender issues and the inclusion of female perspectives could help women live up to their potential and increase their presence in political structures in exile; they could also contribute to the creation of a candidate pool for the Belarus of tomorrow.

Drafting a gender policy doesn’t necessarily have to be a key priority for the democratic forces. But working to ensure barrier-free entry into politics for women is already possible now.

First, the democratic forces should appoint a task force to research gender quotas and propose a system adapted to the Belarusian context. The office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya already has several such reform projects (an alternative constitution or electoral code). A quota model should be developed along these lines as well. Quotas could be introduced voluntarily at the party level, without waiting for a regime change.

Second, politicians—not just advocacy groups—should demonstrate more willingness to publicly address the problems faced by Belarusian women. This will help spotlight gender equity issues in politics. There are surely enough experts in the Belarusian public space who could become voices for women in the Transitional Cabinet or other structures.

Belarusian society has already shown that it’s prepared to support women in high-powered political positions. By working with public opinion and by implementing the recommendations set forth earlier (which, by the way, is already being done), the political influence of women in tomorrow’s Belarus, as well as their quality of life, will improve more quickly and organically.

Creating a larger candidate pool of female politicians

Encouraging women to study political science, diplomacy, and public administration will go a long way to increase the number of women capable of becoming political candidates. Until our universities explicitly focus on educating a new generation of female politicians, this responsibility lies with democratic stakeholders.

To prepare, political hopefuls can take advantage of educational programs at the European Humanities University, as well as courses or short programs at other EU universities. Informal education, such as academies that train diplomats and civil servants, could also encourage professional women with unrelated academic backgrounds.

There are many Belarusian experts, think tanks, and instructors at European universities who could become mentors for a new generation of politicians (both men and women). Programs oriented towards gender issues and the inclusion of female perspectives could help women live up to their potential and increase their presence in political structures in exile; they could also contribute to the creation of a candidate pool for the Belarus of tomorrow.

Drafting a gender policy doesn’t necessarily have to be a key priority for the democratic forces. But working to ensure barrier-free entry into politics for women is already possible now.

First, the democratic forces should appoint a task force to research gender quotas and propose a system adapted to the Belarusian context. The office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya already has several such reform projects (an alternative constitution or electoral code). A quota model should be developed along these lines as well. Quotas could be introduced voluntarily at the party level, without waiting for a regime change.

Second, politicians—not just advocacy groups—should demonstrate more willingness to publicly address the problems faced by Belarusian women. This will help spotlight gender equity issues in politics. There are surely enough experts in the Belarusian public space who could become voices for women in the Transitional Cabinet or other structures.

Belarusian society has already shown that it’s prepared to support women in high-powered political positions. By working with public opinion and by implementing the recommendations set forth earlier (which, by the way, is already being done), the political influence of women in tomorrow’s Belarus, as well as their quality of life, will improve more quickly and organically.

Creating a larger candidate pool of female politicians

Encouraging women to study political science, diplomacy, and public administration will go a long way to increase the number of women capable of becoming political candidates. Until our universities explicitly focus on educating a new generation of female politicians, this responsibility lies with democratic stakeholders.

To prepare, political hopefuls can take advantage of educational programs at the European Humanities University, as well as courses or short programs at other EU universities. Informal education, such as academies that train diplomats and civil servants, could also encourage professional women with unrelated academic backgrounds.

There are many Belarusian experts, think tanks, and instructors at European universities who could become mentors for a new generation of politicians (both men and women). Programs oriented towards gender issues and the inclusion of female perspectives could help women live up to their potential and increase their presence in political structures in exile; they could also contribute to the creation of a candidate pool for the Belarus of tomorrow.

Drafting a gender policy doesn’t necessarily have to be a key priority for the democratic forces. But working to ensure barrier-free entry into politics for women is already possible now.

First, the democratic forces should appoint a task force to research gender quotas and propose a system adapted to the Belarusian context. The office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya already has several such reform projects (an alternative constitution or electoral code). A quota model should be developed along these lines as well. Quotas could be introduced voluntarily at the party level, without waiting for a regime change.

Second, politicians—not just advocacy groups—should demonstrate more willingness to publicly address the problems faced by Belarusian women. This will help spotlight gender equity issues in politics. There are surely enough experts in the Belarusian public space who could become voices for women in the Transitional Cabinet or other structures.

Belarusian society has already shown that it’s prepared to support women in high-powered political positions. By working with public opinion and by implementing the recommendations set forth earlier (which, by the way, is already being done), the political influence of women in tomorrow’s Belarus, as well as their quality of life, will improve more quickly and organically.

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